PERHAPS because of the reality of the impact of the process of ageing, I have, while on vacation, been reading a number of books dealing with the subject of transitions in life.

One author on whom I have been focused, William Bridges, deals with the issue of transition as an experience in the life of organisations, communities, and individuals. He acknowledges that change is part of the reality of life in today's world. However, contrary to the view of many, he argues that the real threat to humanity is not change itself but the transition which changes generate, that is, the subjective and internal processing of the impact of change.

So he posits the notion that change is situational, while transition is psychological. It is a three-phase process that people go through as they internalise and come to terms with the details of the new situation that the change brings about.

For those who may be dealing with issues at a personal level and who are searching for ways to understand their experience, this may resonate with you, and so I share with you the three phases identified by Bridges in his book, Managing Transitions: Making the Most of Change.

1. Letting go of the old identity people had. This first phase of transition is an ending, and the time when you need to help people to deal with loss.

2. Going through an in-between time when the old is gone but the new isn't fully operational. We call this time the "neutral zone": it's when the critical psychological realignments and repatternings take place.

3. Coming out of the transition and making a new beginning. This is when people develop the new identity, experience the new energy, and discover the new sense of purpose that makes the change begin to work.

Of particular significance is the prospect of considering the notion of the neutral zone as a reference, not just to personal experience, but to the situation in which the nation now finds itself. This idea of the neutral zone defined in more detail sheds further light on the nature and complexity of our situation.

Here it is portrayed as "the psychological no-man's land between the old reality and the new one. It is the limbo between the old sense of identity and the new. It is the time when the old way of doing things is gone but the new way doesn't feel comfortable yet". It is characterised as a 'dangerous' place and at the same time an 'opportune place'.

There is no question that the nation is at a point at which it finds itself in a most uncomfortable and anxiety-generating situation. People are experiencing a sense of disillusionment with the political culture and what is being played out at this time. This is not exactly new, but it must be a matter of concern that an increasing number of Jamaicans are opting out of participation in the electoral process and are making it quite clear that they have not voted in recent years, neither do they have any intention of voting in any future elections.

Many persons still recall the corruption and irregularities which attended the PNP Government during its 18-year term, and may not feel a sense of attraction to the JLP as an alternative. Others may be confused by developments which are taking place in the Government as it loses credibility and may not have a desire to entertain the notion of the PNP as a viable alternative at this time.

A telling statistic may come from credible research which may seek to investigate the rise of apocalyptic religious groups in this country in recent years as one expression of disillusionment with the political culture and process. Here religion becomes the escape route from the uncomfortable experience of the "neutral zone".

When the JLP came to power in 2007, the primary concern on the minds of Jamaicans was crime and violence and issues of unemployment. The party came to power on the basis of the promise that it would be able to deal with the crime situation and also offer an alternative approach to that of the previous Government in tackling the nation's economic woes.

Along came the global recession, which caught the Government in a state of denial as to its severity and impact for Jamaica. The debt forgiveness initiative became a signal of hope for many as offering the prospect for some measure of recovery for the nation's economic woes.

Then came the extradition request for Christopher 'Dudus' Coke and the revelations concerning the Manatt, Phelps and Phillips affair. As a result, the nation and the Government have been in a tailspin ever since.

The leadership of Prime Minister Bruce Golding has suffered a serious loss of moral authority and credibility in relation to the people, and indeed, a wider global community. The prime minister, by not being truthful from the outset about these developments, and by creating more doubt in the minds of people each time he speaks to the issue, has done serious damage to his credibility. Even those who were prepared to go the way of forgiveness following his earlier apology are either now more confused than ever or have simply decided that they are no longer willing to accept anything he says as truthful.

The party, on the other hand, has been arrogant in its stance and insulting to the people of the nation in its pronouncements and in some of the utterances of its spokespersons. Likewise, party loyalists have only one line to take, namely, what the party declares.

The recent and current expressions of animosity toward the contractor general and the Electoral Commission of Jamaica, two of the keepers of integrity in this country at this time, are expressive of a moment of serious crisis in the nation. People say that they are committed to the ending of corruption in its various forms, and yet, whenever persons are identified by the contractor general as deserving of interdiction or discipline for corruption, there are cries that the contractor general must not be too zealous in the execution of his duties.

I have had the privilege of listening to the contractor general in a closed-door presentation on corruption and can say that most of us have no idea about the depth and scope of corruption in our country, its manifestations, and the persons who are involved. What seems to stir the greatest opposition to the contractor general is his fingering of persons in high places, especially in the political realm.

It is almost as if it is okay to finger some small people but not those in high places. No wonder the United States Government has made utterances from time to time about the failure of the Government to prosecute the "big fish" who are involved in criminal activity. It must be granted that every citizen of high or low estate must be able to vindicate himself or herself if an injustice is done to them by the Office of the Contractor General by public statements issued and allegations that are unfounded.

I would like to think that there is a groundswell of support for the Office of the Contractor General which would not support any attempt to curtail his powers in any way or to attempt to remove him from the office, even if the population is still not fully aware of the nature of corruption, the legal powers of the office, and what the contractor general is seeking to achieve during his incumbency.

That among the persons who have been identified by the contractor general for interdiction or discipline are political figures from both sides of the political divide has not gone unnoticed by citizens, many of whom have expressed a loss of trust in the two major political parties. It is in this context that I choose to think of the rise of the new political party, the New Nation Coalition, under the leadership of Ms Betty Ann Blaine.

Most of the public statements I have heard coming from this platform are certainly not about policies and programmes for the governance of the nation in the various spheres of life, but the moral and social failures of the two-party system of government as it has been practised in recent decades.

There is nothing to suggest that it is a viable alternative to the current two-party system, but it certainly has within it the seeds for sowing a greater sense of moral and social responsibility and accountability within our system of governance. Hopefully, its agenda will not end up like that of the NDM, which was rendered impotent when it was virtually absorbed into the JLP.

The discussion surrounding the disclosure of contributions to political parties is one which is now in the open, and is at times showing signs of being fractious. I regard this as something healthy as long as we do not let the process degenerate into personal attacks against those with whom we disagree. It is indeed an achievement of no mean order that the issue is on the table as we have managed to keep it out of public focus for ages.

For my part, we must allow the debate to go on, and we must allow as many persons as possible to have an input. We must not, however, allow those who have seeming social influence to railroad the process into some narrow, self-serving goal.

We must also recognise the attempts of the Opposition party to set in place an Integrity Commission to monitor the process of selection of candidates for the party for future elections, as well as the opening of its audited financial statements for public scrutiny, as welcome steps in the right direction and signs of possible progress.

Certainly, whatever else may be the motivation, these are strategic political ploys in dealing with the current issues of trust and morality confronting the Government and those in the field of politics. The governing political party can do no less, even if it is only to appear not to have been outmanoeuvred and backed into a corner.

There are, however, some aspects of life in the current context which can be most off-putting for members of the society but which we may view as part of the uncomfortable side to life in the "neutral zone".

It is clear that the failures which have attended the Government have given the Opposition a burst of energy and an opportunity to gain some political mileage. Consequently, there is a sense in which the country is now caught in an election mode two years before an election is due. The Opposition seems to have the upper hand, and has the Government on the defensive with what looks almost like a political trace-off taking place in name-calling.

A two-year election campaign cannot be good for the country and will certainly not allow the Government to focus on matters of governance. It is imperative that the Government does what is necessary to steady itself and regain its balance, not only for the purpose of effective government, but also if it desires to return for a second term, and also because it is not yet clear that the country is ready to embrace the Opposition as the government-in-waiting.

The country need not retreat into a state of despair because of the challenges which confront us at this time. It is clear that some things are falling apart, and changes are occurring all around us. Change is unsettling, but viewed from the perspective of the "neutral zone", it does not have to be the basis for despair.

William Bridges, with whom I began, in his discussion of the "neutral zone", cites another source which serves to underline the unsettling nature of this experience and the possibilities for a creative future which it offers. This other source, I believe, sums up for us how we may view the challenges and opportunities of the present moment:

"British historian Arnold Tonybee pointed out that societies gain access to new energies and new directions only after a "time of troubles" initiates a process of disintegration wherein the old order comes apart. He showed how often the new orientation was made clear, only after what he called a "withdrawal and return" on the part of individuals or creative minorities within the society. The needed transformation, it seems, takes place in an in-between state or outside the margin of ordinary life".

Howard Gregory is the Suffragan Bishop of Montego Bay

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