Voting is a civic sacrament. — Theodore Hesburgh 

WHEN Richard Nixon [he suffered with a fateful character flaw called ‘bad mind’ coupled with a police mentality especially with regards the Kennedys], one the brightest [intellectual brilliance] men to have become president of the United States in the last 60 years, and who did more for America than he is often credited, was ‘see-sawing’ as to whether he should resign over his involvement in the Watergate Scandal, 13th White House counsel, John Dean, admonished him with these now famous words:

Dean: “I think that there’s no doubt about the seriousness of the problem we’ve got. We have a cancer within — close to the presidency — that’s growing. It’s growing daily. It’s compounding. It grows geometrically now, because it compounds itself. (Presidential Recordings, Wednesday, March 21, 1973, Richard Dixon and John Dean, Oval Office)

The recent admission on Nationwide News, by Paul Burke, general secretary of the PNP that his party might have got 500 fewer votes in the Central Westmoreland by-election — some might say ‘buy election’ — if some supporters of the PNP had not bought votes is a chilling reality. It says to all right-thinking citizens that there is a cancer growing on our democracy.

That cancer has been growing for decades and is now at a very advanced stage. It behoves all of us to begin to seek immediate treatment to arrest its spread, if not a cure. If we do not, we might end up losing that which most of us consider most precious — our democracy.

Burke’s words are most frightening. When asked if the PNP bought votes, Burke said: “I am not going to deny that there are members of the PNP who made or fulfilled promises…Some of our supporters felt that if they did not do what they had to, we would have reduced our majority or lose.” When asked how many votes for the PNP he thought might have been bought, Burke said: “I don’t think it could have been more than 500 votes.”

Bribery and variant forms of it have always been part of the electoral landscape in Jamaica. The big difference now is that it seems to be ubiquitous, if not a prerequisite enticement, for a seemingly critical mass of voters who have been marginalised socially, economically and politically for decades. Nevertheless, to me voting-buying and selling are betrayals almost tantamount to treason. Mass disaffection from the political process is a main contributing factor that has expedited the growth of the cancer on our democracy, as evidenced in the decreasing involvement of the electorate, especially over the last 25 years.

In 1944, Jamaica was granted universal adult suffrage. Alexander Bustamante led the JLP to a 22 to five seat victory, independents won five seats, and 55.15 per cent of the electorate voted on December 2, 1944. Norman Manley, scholar, gentleman extraordinaire, and leader of the PNP lost his seat in St Andrew. On December 20, 1949, our second general parliamentary election was held. The JLP won 17 seats, and the PNP 13. While the PNP won the popular vote, 43.3 per cent to the JLP’s 42.7 per cent, it lost the election — a result made possible by our ‘first past the post’ system. In 1949, 63.80 per cent of the electorate voted. Independents, along with two new parties, contested, but won no seats.

Our third general election was held on January 12, 1955. The PNP and Norman Manley got their first bite of Jamaica’s prime political cherry winning 18 seats and 50.5 per cent of the popular vote compared to the JLP’s 39.1 per cent and 14 seats. 63.94 per cent of the electorate voted, 11 independents along with four minor parties contested. They won no seats.

On July 28, 1959 we had our fourth general election. The PNP won 29 of the then 45 constituencies with 64.3 per cent of the votes, and the JLP managed to grab 16 seats or 35.6 per cent of the votes, where a total of 65.35 per cent of the electorate voted. In 1962, Jamaica went to the polls for a fifth time on April 10. The PNP won 19 seats and 48.6 per cent of the votes, while the JLP won 50.04 per cent and 26 seats. In that election, 72.29 per cent of the electorate voted. Sir Alexander Bustamante became the first prime minister of Independent Jamaica.

Many argue that the PNP lost this election as a natural consequence of the losing the referendum to determine Jamaica’s position on the Federation. The PNP supported membership, the JLP supported withdrawal. In the plebiscite on September 19, 1961, the people voted 54.1 per cent “NO” to the question, “should Jamaica remain in the West Indian Federation?” 45.9 per cent voted “YES” — 62 per cent of the electorate voted. The PNP has suffered with referendum-phobia since then.

Jamaica’s sixth general election was held on February 12, 1967; then 53 constituencies. The JLP won 33 seats and 62.3 per cent of the votes. The PNP amassed 18 seats with 37.7 per cent of the votes and a whopping 81.46 per cent of the electorate voted. Sir Donald Sangster, a gentle giant became Jamaica second prime minister. After falling ill, he died in April 11, 1967 and Hugh L Shearer, trade unionist par excellence and perhaps the most underrated leader of the JLP to date, became prime minister and Jamaica’s third.

In 1972, the PNP, with its newly minted leader Michael Manley, son of Norman Manley, led the PNP to decisive victory. The PNP won 37 seats, with 69 per cent, while the JLP got 16 seats and 30.2 per cent of the votes. Jamaica’s seventh general election which was held on February 29, 1972 saw 78.20 per cent of the electorate casting their votes. Michael Manley, Jamaica most charismatic leader to date, became our fourth prime minister.

In 1976, under the dark cloud of a State of Emergency, where political opponents, like Pearnel Charles [incarcerated for a year], Olivia Grange and scores of other key JLP organisers and a couple token PNP [incarcerated as ‘shamm’ as country would say] persons were locked-up, Manley won Jamaica’s eighth general election. The JLP officials were locked up because they were supposed threats to national security. The findings of a commission of enquiry into the 1976 State of Emergency — headed by then Chief Justice of Jamaica Justice Kenneth Smith — revealed that its calling was predicated upon the facilitation of political opportunism and not bona fide concerns about national security.

The Smith Commission uncovered that the head of both intelligence agencies of government — the Special Branch of the police force and the Military Intelligence Unit (MIU) of the Jamaica Defence Force — never advised Manley of any potential threat to national security during Carifesta and, indeed, Deputy Commissioner Curtis Griffiths, head of the Special Branch, testified to the commission that he knew nothing about the intention to declare a State of Emergency; he read of it in the press, although he was the chief intelligence officer of government. Captain Carl Marsh, in charge of the MIU also gave devastating testimony. He advised that there was no need for a State of Emergency.

Those who are interested in the truth can consult the archives at the Institute of Jamaica and University of the West Indies, Mona.

In 1976, the number of constituencies was increased to 60. The PNP took 47 with 78.3 per cent, while the JLP held 13 seats with 21.7 per cent of the votes — 84.50 per cent of the electorate voted.

By the end of 1979, Jamaica had descended into economic, social and political chaos. Edward Seaga described the period of the 1970s best when he said in parliament, in 1979, that it was a time characterised by, “outages, stoppages and shortages”. Seaga, remarked also in parliament that, “Mr Speaker, during the 50s and 60s, Jamaica was regarded as the pearl of the Caribbean. Now, after eight years of mismanagement and bungling by the PNP, Jamaica is now regarded as the John Crow bead of the Caribbean”.

“After nine months of violence [February to October, 1980; effectively the longest general election campaign in Jamaica] 844 [police official statistics] Jamaicans were killed on account of politics. Shockingly, “almost 35 per cent of those killed were slaughtered in the constituency of West Central St Andrew, which had the JLP’s Ferdinand Yap and the PNP’s Carl ‘Russian’ Thompson as candidates.” — Jamaica Observer article, October 30, 2012.

A restoration of respect for Jamaica and a resurrection of the economy began when the JLP won Jamaica’s ninth general election under the leadership of Seaga. The JLP won 51seats with 85 per cent of the votes, and the PNP got nine seats with 15 per cent of the votes. A total 86.10 per cent of the electorate voted. Seaga, who became leader of the JLP in 1974, was Jamaica’s fifth prime minister. In 1983, the JLP called a snap general selection/election and won all 60 seats — 28.9 per cent of the electorate voted. The PNP did not contest the polls. With all 60 seats in parliament, and control of the Senate, despite the appointment of independent senators, Seaga could have amended the constitution to the irreversible advantage of his party. To his eternal credit he did not, a great example of statesmanship.

Up to the general election of 1980, an iron grip with pendulum-type exchange of power between the JLP and PNP was entrenched, at least until the swinging weight on the clock stopped working from 1989-2007, when the ‘two-party syndrome’ was defeated with the return to power of Michael Manley, who was no political horologist.

Our eleventh general election took place on February 9, 1989. The PNP won with 45 seats and 75 per cent of the votes, while the JLP got 15 seats and 25 per cent of the votes. Some 77.59 per cent of the electorate voted. In March, 1992, with failing health, Michael Manley retired and P J Patterson became prime minister.

Up to 1989, with the exception of 1983, well over 70 per cent of the electorate, on average, partook of the most important of the civic sacraments of liberal democracy — that is voting.

In 1993 we had our twelfth general election. The PNP won 86.7 per cent of the votes and 52 seats. The JLP got 8 seats and 13.3 per cent of the votes. 66.74 per cent of the electorate voted.

Beginning in 1993, a precipitous slide in the percentage of the electorate who participated in the democratic process of general election began. In 1997, general election number 13 took place on December 17, 1997. The PNP won 50 seats with 83.3 per cent of the votes. The JLP got 10 seats with 16.7 per cent of the votes. While the National Democratic Movement got nearly 37,000 votes, they won no seats and 65.22 per cent of the electorate voted. In 2002, the fourteenth general election was held on October 16, 2002. The PNP won 34 seats with 51.6 per cent of the votes, while the JLP got 26 seats with 46.9 per cent of the votes. Only 59.06 per cent of the electorate voted. General election number 15 was held on September 3, 2007. The JLP won 32 seats with 49.98 per cent of the votes to the PNP’s 28 seats and 49.35 per cent of the votes. Some 61.46 per cent of the electorate cast a ballot.

In 2011, Jamaica’s sixteenth general election was held on December 29, 2011. The PNP, led by Portia Simpson Miller, trounced the JLP by winning 42 seats to the JLP’s 21. Only 53 per cent of the electorate voted.

Thousands of Jamaicans are turned off and totally disengaged from the formal political process. This mass disaffection resulted in a vacuum which is being filled by a lobbyist moneyed class who are only too willing to use dishonest strategies to acquire and keep State power by whatever means necessary. This state of affairs is a clear and present threat to Jamaica’s democracy.

Here again is another glorious opportunity for the JLP, with a new, young, bright and affable leader to engage the disaffected and make Jamaica believe again. The PNP with its old guard leadership cannot engage the disaffected since they are much of the cause of the disaffection as evidence in the recent Bill Johnson polls.

Since 1993, fewer and fewer Jamaicans have been participating in the ‘communion’ called general elections, barely over 50 per cent of the electorate on average, in fact. This has resulted in a significant weakening of the political immune system of Jamaica and has doubtless exposed, dangerously so, our political body, which has become increasingly defenceless, ripe for the kind of ‘chronic diseases’ like bribery and skulduggery of the magnitude that ‘needlessly’ [since the PNP would have won] took place in Central Westmoreland recently.

It is my view that compulsory or mandatory voting is a necessary vaccine urgently needed by the Jamaica political body. Next week, I will examine the advantages and disadvantages of this necessary medicine.

NB: Thanks to the Electoral Commission of Jamaica for most of the statistics.

Voting is the foundational act that breathes life into the principle of the consent of the governed. — DeForest Soaries

Garfield Higgins in an educator and journalist. Comments to higgins160@yahoo.com