I have heard the People’s National Party (PNP) complain that the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) has never furnished a crime plan to the country since being elected. I have also heard the JLP say that it does not want the criminals to know what is coming.

Well, both sides have a point. However, my ideas are well known, so there is no need for secrecy. And guess what, any side can use it because I do not care what colour crushes this epidemic, as long as it is crushed.

First, as I have said before, modify the Gun Court Act to move from a system of ‘catch and release’ to one of ‘catch and cage’. By this I suggest that the sentences become mandatory with a 10-year minimum for possession of a firearm. The Act should forbid bail for any gun possession offence, but guarantee a trial in six months.

This new approach should be broadly marketed with billboards in inner-cities stating ’10-year minimum for gun offences’; ‘No bail for gun offences’. This message must be so loud it is deafening, sort of like how Pearl contraceptive pills and Panther condoms where marketed to us in the 1970s and 80s.

The denying of bail may require constitutional change though, and that is time-consuming, so the steps must begin early. This may seem hard, but drastic suffering from an innocent society requires drastic action from the strong and honourable within it.

Second, form a National Police Super Squad that mirrors the structure of Operation Squad in the 80s. Use well-known police personalities who have a reputation as no-nonsense officers and market it directly to the gangs to generate fear in their ranks. This would require our country to stop demonising police officers who face killers in combat or you will not get anyone to serve on this squad.

Third, re-operationalise the Criminal Investigative Branch (CIB) to make it part of the street operations of the force, instead of solely an investigative body. The CIB detectives were traditionally the core operators in the ‘Force’ and all that has been gained from removing them from operational activity is less presence in preventative policing and detection of crime. Do not be afraid to fix the mistakes we made in our past.

Fourth, with the use of the Special District Constabulary, expand the occupational presence in garrisons to remove the power from the gangs who live there. The pay structure in this arm of law enforcement is much lower as this group, also called ‘Municipal Police, have limited powers and less training than the Rural Police Force or the Jamaica Constabulary Force.

Their purpose would be occupational and would be done in collaboration with the JCF and the Jamaica Defence Force (JDF). If you have one JCF sub-officer and two constables you could have an additional eight special district constables and the cost is like three to one compared to a JCF regular. You could arm them with the .38 revolvers that are currently not being used by the JCF and you would need to conduct firearm training courses.

Security companies put out armed personnel at a comparative rate to the police force and the training is not that much of a burden.

Bear in mind they would be supervised by the JCF members and the Rural Police Force. There is rarely violent contact between occupational presence and gang members over long-time periods and it cuts the occurrence of violent crime in the noted zones. Look at the programme that the JDF runs with the Jamaica National Service Corps and think of it in that light. This collaboration has been a success story.

Remember, crime prevention and the end of gang domination can only occur by occupation. Everything else is post the suffering caused by the gangs.

Fifth, establish a JCF Reserve that mirrors the JDF Reserve, where people can join the organisation and participate part-time and play their part in the fixing of the national crisis of crime and violence.

Use the JDF model so it attracts a cross-section of Jamaicans with the ability to be elevated within the organisation. Impose mandatory time periods of participation to maintain membership and encourage voluntary overtime in the spirit of national service.

The reserve officer must in no way be looked on or treated as less of a police officer than the full-time participant or no one will stay. As I said, use the JDF Reserve model. The biggest mistake made with the JCF of the 70s and 80s was to treat policing as a private club, with members of the public discouraged to participate. This problem is too big for silly boys’ clubs.

Sixth, sign to the Caribbean Court of Justice so all our decisions in our country will not be overturned by a foreign court, like we are still a colony paying homage to imperial masters. This is necessary as they will overturn every change we make, especially with the Gun Court sentences. We need a High Court that understands our environment.

This plan comes at a cost and a tax may have to be imposed to finance the expanded penal facilities, the JCF Reserve and the occupational effort with the use of the Special District Constabulary.

However, this period in our history of bouncing between gang domination and abject hooliganism must end. It has been going on for 45 years with no one accepting the fact that is not going to change without major sacrifices, unconditional cooperation and the participation of all good men.

Feedback: jasonamckay@gmail.com