THE high-priced campaigns being run by rival camps for the PNP presidency has prompted the inclusion of a proviso against accepting tainted funds, but the party up to weekend was yet to put in place a mechanism to ensure that its dictum was respected.

“After nomination day, we will be developing a form of reporting for the contenders,” said Burchell Whiteman, general secretary of the People’s National Party.

Retiring president PJ Patterson, on January 22, announced a new political code of behaviour governing the campaigns, after the verbal sparring among the rivals descended into gutter-sniping and allegations of bribery.

The only camp that has held back from the accusations and name-callings is Davies’ ‘Campaign for Prosperity’.

Nominations closed Friday with the four candidates – Dr Peter Phillips, Portia Simpson Miller, Dr Omar Davies and Dr Karl Blythe, signing on to the code.

Conservative estimates, based on sparse information from the camps, put their combined campaign expenditures at more than $20 million, with funds coming primarily from corporate and individual donations, some from fundraising events locally and overseas, and the candidates’ own pockets.

Accounting for political campaign financing in Jamaica is still largely left up to the whims and fancies of candidates and their backers, and getting precise figures on campaign spend is an uncertain proposition, the Sunday Observer has found.

Despite much talk over the years of the need for transparency regarding donations to political parties – especially for election purposes – to bar tainted money, there is no regulation to force candidates to declare their backers.

The multi-million dollar campaigns have featured fully staffed campaign headquarters, rented cars, promotional paraphernalia such as caps, T-shirts, flyers, buttons, bookmarkers and the like, as well as slick advertising and public relations, food and transportation for thousands, mass meetings and workshops.

But party central does not often seem to know much about the amount or source of funding generated.

Whiteman could only say that his party was committed to campaign reform and that this had been widely discussed at various party fora.

Public declaration of funding sources would have prevented recent claims that state funds were being diverted to help finance the current PNP leadership contest, and the subsequent call from the opposition for an investigation, one political analyst said.

Investment banker Peter Bunting, a backer of Davies’ bid for the PNP leadership and chairman of ‘Campaign for Prosperity’, is convinced that the policy of most corporate donors to political campaigners is to “spread the risk” by giving to everybody, including the competing political parties.

“Of course they will give more to those they prefer, but many give to everybody,” said Bunting, chairman of Dehring Bunting and Golding.

The clearest statement on the cost leadership bids has come from Opposition leader Bruce Golding and his brother-in-law Pearnel Charles, who were fractious rivals for the Jamaica Labour Party presidency before the latter threw in the towel under pressure.

Golding declared that his total spend was $15 million, covering the intensive six months between July 2004 when he formally began campaigning, and January 2005 when he was selected Jamaica Labour Party leader.

“I got donations from individuals and corporate bodies, some fundraising to cover my launch, promotional materials, meetings PR and ads, everything,” said Golding.

He kept party headquarters abreast by having his finance committee submit a detailed accounting of all expenditures and the sources of funds, said Golding, a strong advocate for greater accountability and transparency in government.

However, there was no reporting relationship with the central party organisation, he admitted, and he had no idea what rival Charles had spent.

Charles said he “operated within a slim budget of around $3 million”, financed mostly from his own pocket.

“I would say around a 60/40 ratio of personal expense and contributions from friends,” Charles commented in his breakdown of money spent.

He maintains that he still does not know the source or cost of the controversial anti-Golding ads which were run on radio and television at one stage of the campaign, by an overseas-based group calling itself ‘Friends of Pearnel’.

Phillips’ ‘Solid as a Rock’ campaign would not venture an estimate of their expenditure, but campaign director Maxine Henry-Wilson said the recent launch at the National Arena alone cost over $5 million.

“We haven’t got the final figures but it should be in that region when you consider that it costs around $2 million for rental of the Arena for the PNP Annual Conference over three days,” said Henry-Wilson.

Checks with Independence Park, operators of the National Arena, indicate that it costs upwards of $300,000 per day to rent the venue, with added costs of $11,000 per hour for electricity charges on the day of the event and $110,000 per day to set up the venue in preparation for the event. The entity also charges $4,102 per hour for light while setting up.

Add to that costs ranging from $2.5 to $4 million for bussing 4,000 people, as estimated by Imani Duncan, manager of ‘Campaign for Prosperity’ and a clearer picture emerges as to how much these events cost.

Davies’ campaign, perhaps the best funded, is said to have significant corporate support, but Duncan was tightlipped on the total cost, saying only that it was “very expensive”.

Attempts to get an estimate from ‘Team Portia’ proved futile, but Simpson Miller has maintained a heavy schedule of mass meetings and held a major launch at the National Indoor Arena for which thousands were mobilised, with all the trappings of an expensive outing.

Simpson Miller has also made repeated claims that she was in debt to no one and would not make any promises in exchange for support.

However, it is believed that she has benefited extensively from corporate donations, swanky private fundraisers such as Kenny Benjamin’s political dinner, and that she has a formidable overseas engagement list.

Perhaps the cheapest campaign is that run by Dr Karl Blythe whose campaign remains largely below the radar, and away from public view.

Blythe has avoided big meetings, and media attention, while financing his campaign, he said, largely from his own pocket.