Campaign of change sweeps in ‘Sweet Micky’
SO the people of Haiti have spoken by choosing popular singer Michel Martelly, also known as ‘Sweet Micky’ or tet kale (bald head), as their next president. If the results hold up, Mr Martelly will take office on May 7, after President René Préval steps down. The final results, allowing for a period of appeals, are expected on April 16.
Although many predicted a Martelly victory almost from the moment polling closed on March 20, the lopsidedness of the results came as a surprise. Martelly obtained 67.57 per cent of the total vote and his opponent, Mirlande Manigat, 31.74 per cent. More than 15,000 tally sheets — or about 60 per cent of the total — had to be examined by lawyers, according to an observer mission led by the Organisation of American States and the Caribbean Community (Caricom).
Although Professor Manigat can challenge the results, which will not be final until April 16, it is now difficult to imagine such a challenge, bearing in mind the margin of victory.
Ms Manigat and the governing party’s candidate, Jude Célestin, had won the top two spots in the initial count of the election, qualifying them for the run-off. Manigat had cast herself as a mother figure to soothe Haiti’s problems, in contrast to Sweet Micky’s image as a rebellious son bent on shaking up the establishment. Martelly squeezed into round two at the expense of Célestin. His reinstatement followed massive street protests amid allegations of electoral fraud.
The 50-year-old Martelly then waged a slick campaign built on promises to dramatically shake up Haiti’s elitist politics and to rigorously confront the endemic climate of poverty. By contrast, the soft-spoken Manigat, a 70-year-old academic and opposition figure whose husband was president in 1988 for a few months before being ousted by a coup, was successfully projected as the establishment candidate.
Martelly’s wife Sophia was said to be the genius behind his slick election campaign which helped to label Manigat as a symbol of an insular political class that over the years had failed to solve Haiti’s monumental problems.
The preliminary results show that the people responded to Martelly’s appeal for sweeping change. This is also not surprising, given existing crisis conditions in Haiti compounded by the devastating 2010 earthquake, a cholera epidemic and chronic poverty. Added to which is the perceived inability of the Préval-led Government to communicate a responsive programme of development.
Not too much is known about Martelly’s political views, and from a Caricom perspective, his views on the community itself. While in Haiti recently to observe the election day activities, I sought a response from one of his trusted lieutenants to reports that Martelly holds a negative perception of Caricom. He strongly dismissed the allegation and predicted that the community’s best ideals would be supported by the new president.
In addition, Martelly has been described in some quarters as a right-wing conservative and so far has done nothing to distance himself from that perception. Concerns were expressed by Haitian journalists during the campaign that he possesses Duvalier-style qualities that favour authoritarian rule.
His intemperate response to a legitimate question by a reporter during the sole televised debate on March 9 involving the two candidates did little to allay those concerns. Asked about his management capacity in reference to a story published in the US media about his debts to a US bank and his ability to handle his eventual responsibility, the candidate bristled and blurted out: “Let him bring them [the questions] on! They sent him to attack me! I’m ready [to confront him]!” He reportedly further made references to possible reactions “by street heat”. This spurred strong media condemnation as a threat to press freedom.
Although undisputedly a political novice, Martelly’s outsider status, in contrast to Madame Manigat, was an important part of his campaign brand. “The outsider status of Martelly has been an important part of his self-presentation as a candidate,” said one observer. “The question is whether, and in what ways, this might shape how he governs once in power.”
Undoubtedly, Martelly has a lot of ground to cover in proving his leadership credentials. He would do well to recognise that his victory at the polls is not so much a vote for him but one by default. This determination, one held by many analysts, was ably expressed by French sociologist Laenec Hurbon, who said, “A vote against Préval is a vote against continuity. People are sick of a government seen as devoid of energy and lacking an ideas.”
Although he may be a long way from being referred to in the reverent tones extended to Haiti’s first democratically elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Martelly does possess some assets. His rock-star status, perhaps partly because of his bawdy stage performances, including disrobing and swearing on stage, and varied other skills as a singer/entertainer should serve him well in his new role. His strong youth appeal during the campaign testifies to that. He should thrive as a communicator where Préval failed miserably.
But President-elect Martelly will confront a towering list of problems, besides the more obvious ones caused by the earthquake and the cholera epidemic. He will have to confront opposition from a Parliament controlled by the party of Préval. Under Haiti’s constitution several key decisions such as the choice of the prime minister must be with the agreement of Parliament. Hence, the Inité-controlled Parliament may well decide to retain the service of its current tried and proven Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive. This would be unlikely to go down well with his supporters, given their expectations of sweeping change.
At the Senate level, Inité obtained two out of the seven available seats in the departments of the South and North East. This leaves that party with 17 seats out of 30 in the Senate, a comfortable majority.
According to the early information, Inité would have obtained 33 seats out of 99 in the Lower House, far from the majority expected. But these results are also open to challenge between now and April 16. Interesting days are ahead for the country and the Caribbean region in general, but today belongs to Sweet Micky, and the widespread celebrations that have been ongoing in Haiti since Monday evening bear testimony to that reality.