At this time, every two years, tension rises among members of the Diaspora who are actively involved in Diaspora engagements.

It’s been 20 years since the first biennial conference in downtown Kingston. Many original players, in what we regard as the “Diaspora Movement”, are either retired, have gone home to their maker, or have lost interest for one reason or another. Only a few are left to teach, mobilise, motivate, and keep alive the problematic task of advancing the original plans of the Diaspora Movement. However, some will say that mentorship opportunities no longer exist.

As plans get into gear for the biennial event, several factions or individuals want to ensure they are in the thick of things. Some want to elevate their public presence and image, while others jockey for positions at the conference. For most people, the conference means nothing.

When the elders created the Diaspora Movement’s plan in 2003, they intended to create avenues to mobilise and motivate Diaspora action to improve the relationship with Jamaica and to help their home country. Out of that meeting, several institutions were born: Jamaica Diaspora Institute (JDI), Jamaica Diaspora Foundation (JDF), the biennial diaspora conference, all meant for a two-way engagement between Jamaica and the Diaspora. The JDI and JDF have not been mentioned anywhere in the past seven years. But they were significant planks in the development of the movement during the early days.

The movement also involved appointing key individuals in the significant Diaspora regions abroad where Jamaicans live and work. The elections were held in Jamaica at the conferences until 2012, then moved to the areas in the Diaspora. After the elections, and based on the results, the minister of foreign affairs and foreign trade (MFAFT) appointed seven people to form a Diaspora Advisory Board (DAB) to advise the minister. There were three in the USA, two in Canada, and two in the UK. One of the early primary roles of the seven was to build the movement, starting with creating awareness in their regions about this new approach to Diaspora engagement.

For the next 12 years the advisory board would meet with the minister twice yearly to report the happenings in their regions, discuss mobilisation efforts, and respond to recommendations from the previous conferences. Mobilisation was difficult as the movement was new, and only a few people abroad or in Jamaica knew what “Diaspora” meant. The idea was laughable to many. Jamaicans at home associated the word “Diaspora” with “shop talk”, a phrase not welcomed by active members of the Diaspora at the time. Political leaders, not in tune with the movement, criticised the expenses for the biennial conference as money wasted.

Each board member of the DAB operated within the confines of a terms of reference (TOR) that guided how he or she should operate as an agent of the Jamaican Government. The TOR was loosely written, giving board members ease of movement to seek opportunities to build and collaborate. It was, however, clear, for example, that board members must execute their roles as individual advisors and not as an organisation representing the Government of Jamaica. They were not allowed to form an organisation around their appointment. The DAB Board was the only group created to serve as the advisor.

With such a rich history, one can understand why individuals who had been actively advancing the movement since its inception were shocked when the Global Jamaica Diaspora Council (GJDC) and its youth arm replaced the Jamaica Diaspora Advisory Board (DAB) effective January 2020.

Many original leaders in the Diaspora Movement do not believe that the new council has strengthened the mechanisms responsible for enhancing Diaspora engagement but has weakened the structure globally. They think it’s counterproductive, as only a few people know who these members/agents are and where they are.

Further, the election designed and executed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade (MFAFT) is confusing. For example, a foreign Government conducting elections on American soil is questionable. Encouraging Jamaicans abroad to cast ballots to elect regional political agents is doubtful. Further, while most voters think they are voting for their community representatives, they soon find out they are not. They are, in fact, voting for the candidate who will be appointed as a government representative.

I intentionally referred to the council members of the GJDC as agents. They are, truthfully, foreign agents, a fact confirmed by the USA’s Foreign Agents Registration (FARA) Act of 1938. That is not a bad thing, however. They are Jamaicans representing Jamaica in the Diaspora. We should, however, call a spade a spade. Since the GJDC council members in the USA operate in their home country and under the direction of the Government of Jamaica, they are “foreign agents”. The Act states that foreign agents (FA) are defined as individuals or entities engaged in domestic lobbying or advocacy for foreign governments, organisations, or persons (“foreign principals”). They act as a foreign principal’s public relations counsel, publicity agent, information-service employee, or political consultant to solicit, collect, disburse, or dispense contributions, loans, money, or other things of value for or in the interest of a foreign principal. All FAs must register with the Department of Justice (DOJ) and disclose their relationships and activities. As of the conclusion of this article, the only organisation in Jamaica that is an active registered foreign agent on the DOJ’s site is the Jamaica Tourist Board (JTB), which was registered as a foreign agent in 1972.

Based on the guidelines of FARA Act, I now understand why some people are voicing their concerns about the legitimacy of the GJDC in the USA. An FA operating in the United States has responsibilities and should consult the DOJ for more information. Australia also has a foreign agent policy. However, Canada and the United Kingdom have only announced plans to introduce a similar regime.

We need agents to help the Diaspora Movement succeed. However, it should be appropriately structured so that the official process does not hinder Diaspora relations and interrupt the natural flow of activities. Our island’s Government should know and work closely with experienced Diaspora leaders to make it right. It is essential to keep in touch with the Diaspora, understand the lay of the land, and forge partnerships to help build our country.

As advisors and foreign agents, the GJDC can lend leadership through observation, guidance, and providing updates to the Government of Jamaica on what is happening in the various communities so that political leaders can better respond to the needs of the Diaspora and open opportunities for partnership and collaboration.

If the agents live in the USA, they must also abide by the rules of the FARA Act. Like the Jamaica Tourist Board, the MFAFT should consider registering the GJDC with the US DOJ under the FARA Act. With that, the MFAFT doesn’t need to register a business interest in any state. Such registration is federally acknowledged for all 50 states.

To reduce some of the tensions and uncertainties around the GJDC, the MFAFT should first remove from its portfolio the role of conducting Diaspora elections across jurisdictions. That role does not belong to the Government of Jamaica. The Diaspora should conduct its own elections if it’s necessary. The Diaspora is replete with competent individuals capable of designing policies around elections and executing them accordingly.

In Jamaica, the Government appoints individuals to serve on government boards and agencies. The same can be done for the GJDC.

I fully support the biennial conferences as an important instrument of Diaspora engagement. It is where I have gained much of my insights, network, and understanding of Diaspora movements. The conference is the Jamaican Government’s way of showing us how important we are to the country’s advancement and encouraging partnership and collaboration.

Many opportunities exist for a two-way partnership between the Diaspora and Jamaica.

Leo Gilling is the chairman of the Jamaica Diaspora Taskforce Action Network and a diaspora strategist and engagement advocate. Send comments to the Jamaica Observer or leogilling@gmail.com.