FIVE months after he returned to the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) on the basis of an agreement for major political reform, Bruce Golding says there’s still “knotty issues” to be sorted out from the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) he signed with JLP leader Edward Seaga.

“They are still under discussion and it would be premature to comment now,” a philosophical sounding Golding told the Sunday Observer.

Golding made his dramatic re-entry to the green folds of the JLP on the eve of general elections last year, armed with the carefully crafted seven-point MOU.

The MOU, agreed in principle with Opposition Leader Seaga, was made out to be critical.

Golding, who had seven years before that written off the party as a place where his new and different politics could be located, assured suspicious National Democratic Movement (NDM) colleagues on the eve of his re-entry that he wasn’t going anywhere and said so in his own inimitable style on television.

MOU or not, political pundits calculated that his return to the JLP would bring the party’s almost stalled election campaign an unconfirmed $200 million in cheques from hesitant party backers, and, importantly, re-energise the party in the face of last-minute opinion polls showing the party would lose under Seaga.

The MOU was seen as a face-saving device, allowing Golding to seem not to have abandoned the principles which led him to chuck in his heir-apparent status in the JLP and form the NDM.

Although Golding refused to be drawn into commenting on the specific points of the MOU that are still to be trashed out with the JLP leadership, he did point a finger at the postponement of the local government elections as having set back the process somewhat, suggesting that some of the positions would have formed part of the JLP’s electoral platform.

Even so, Golding noted that some of the points “had found their way” into the post-election Vale Royal Summit deliberations between Prime Minister P J Patterson and Seaga.

He singled out the proposal to seek improved allocations for the funding of constituencies “to enable MPs to discharge their responsibilities in a more fundamental way” — the fourth point in the memorandum — as something positive that had emerged from his advocacy.

The precise demands by Golding in that fourth MOU point read: “In order to enable members of parliament to more effectively discharge their responsibilities to their constituencies, an adequate amount of the annual budget will be allocated to a special fund, which shall be divided equitably among the constituencies to finance projects at the constituency level on a phased basis, commencing with 1.5 per cent in year one; two per cent in year two and 2.5 per cent in year three.

“Appropriate arrangements, to be supervised and reported to Parliament by the political ombudsman, will be made to ensure consultation with representatives of other political parties and community organisations in the selection and implementation of projects. Expenditures under this fund will be audited by a special unit to be established within the Auditor-General’s Department.”

Golding did not say how much traction the proposal gained at the summit talks. But asked if the current Social and Economic Support Programme (SESP) administered by members of parliament did not already provide that type of support, he countered: “Two to three million dollars is not enough… that can hardly fix two roads.

“What I am calling for is more fundamental and it will free the MP from having to run behind the minister seeking support for projects in his constituency,” he argued.

Notably, that Golding proposal has already run into difficulty as it relates to a special housing fund for MPs to deal with the problem of affordable shelter in their constituencies.

“We can’t allow resources of the state to be dealt with on a constituency level,” National Housing Trust (NHT) chairman, Kingsley Thomas, cautioned in a speech after the summit.

Thomas’ warning was clear reference to the long-held perception that that approach was responsible for the creation of Jamaica’s violence-ridden garrison communities, where housing benefits are treated by party supporters as part of the spoils of electoral office. The record of repayment of mortgages or rented units under those government schemes is grossly unimpressive.

Seaga, who initialled the MOU for the JLP, could not be reached for comment on the issue up to press time. But his personal assistant and JLP spokesperson for women and children, Prudence Kidd-Deans, assured the Sunday Observer: “The MOU issue is not on the backburner, it is simmering and is under serious consideration.”

Although it was Seaga and Golding who signed the Memorandum of Understanding, it was widely held at the time that there was shared authorship with the grouping of young professionals in the JLP, called Generation 2000, or G2K. The group appeared to have been solidly behind the return of Golding.

Randall Robinson, the current president, said he still believed the JLP was committed to implementing Golding’s MOU.

He recalled that last November, the party’s Central Executive, the highest decision-making body outside of annual conference, had mandated the party to arrive at a decision on all seven points within six months, incorporating the views of delegates and all party interest groups.

However, Robinson acknowledged a number of “ticklish issues” on which views were divided, including the matter of term limits and a fixed election date. “In fact, some members wanted to take a vote but the delegates would have none of it.”

His own timeline estimate was that it would take the party “at least two years” to embrace and implement the major points of the MOU.

“Some of the proposals might require constitutional change, like term limits, for example, and possibly even the separation of powers can be absorbed within the Westminster Model,” said Robinson.

On the issue of tribalism, held dear by Golding, Robinson said the party and the G2K were pushing for this to be diffused. G2K was “looking forward to working with” the counterpart Patriots group of the People’s National Party, in “finding solutions to problems that affect us all”.

Asked whether the G2K would be endorsing Golding as a candidate when the leadership post became vacant with Seaga’s departure, Robinson hinted that he, at least, was favourable to Golding.

“Individuals seeking our endorsement will have to convince us that they are serious about implementing a number of things.” Those “things” were not disclosed by the G2K leader, but it seemed clear that MOU matters were among them.

Prodigal Golding still has something in his favour. The consecutive fourth-term loss to the PNP barely camouflages the fact that the JLP had gained an additional 14 seats, something which some analysts attributed to his last-minute re-entry.

And as one tangible reward, though not part of the formal terms of the MOU, he was given one of eight Opposition senatorships, after the JLP lost the closely fought election, going down 26 to 34 seats.

Since then, Golding, who was also appointed to watchdog the foreign affairs portfolio, has made very few major political statements, confining most of his comments on current issues to his radio talk show, Disclosure on Hot-102 FM. There, for the time being at least, the MOU is not a hot issue.

Golding’s MOU

* In order to ensure more effective control of the executive by the Parliament, the JLP will examine the issue of separation of powers and, if it becomes the government, will ensure that this is included as one of the options to be placed on the ballot in a referendum that shall be held within two years of it becoming the government.

* It is acknowledged that political tribalism and the culture of garrison politics have had a destructive effect on the society and the democratic process. The JLP, in consultation with other political parties and civil society organisations, will develop practical initiatives to ensure, as far as possible, the elimination of political tribalism. These initiatives will include the relevant recommendations of the Wolfe Task Force on Crime, the National Committee on Political Tribalism and the National Committee on Crime.

* The existing legislative and administrative provisions dealing with corruption among public officials shall be strengthened by the establishment of a special prosecutor who shall be empowered to investigate and prosecute instances of suspected corruption among public officials, subject to the provisions of the Constitution.

* In order to enable members of parliament to more effectively discharge their responsibilities to their constituencies, an adequate amount of the annual budget will be allocated to a special fund, which shall be divided equitably among the constituencies to finance projects at the constituency level on a phased basis commencing with 1 1/2 per cent in year one, two per cent in year two, and 2 1/2 per cent in year three. Appropriate arrangements, to be supervised and reported to Parliament by the political ombudsman, will be made to ensure consultation with representatives of other political parties and community organisations in the selection and implementation of projects. Expenditures under this fund will be audited by a special unit to be established within the Auditor-General’s Department.

* All oversight committees of Parliament, such as the Appropriations Committee, Ethics Committee and the committees responsible for reviewing the performance of ministries, will be chaired by a member of the Opposition, as is the case with the Public Accounts Committee. Special provision shall be made to require each committee to consider issues placed before it and supported by at least one-third of its members.

* The Standing Orders will be amended to allow the Leader of the Opposition to make statements to Parliament as is the case with ministers.

* The JLP will re-examine the issue of term limits and a fixed election date in the context of the pending changes to the Constitution of Jamaica.