Over the recent decades, Jamaica developed an enigmatic relationship with its second-nearest neighbour, the Republic of Haiti. As the first country in the Western Hemisphere to rid itself of its colonial masters and declare independence in 1804, Haiti appeared to have done the impossible. It demonstrated superior military strategy with inferior arms against the powerful French army which had to flee.

That historic event made Haiti the toast of the black world and other subjugated people. But with the passing of years, Haiti’s political capital was diluted by civil disorder, mob violence, internal intrigue and corruption which destabilised the country on a recurring basis.

The military success was not parlayed into the development of a prosperous or even viable state. Capital was drained by reparations to France and the metropolitan powers denied assistance to the new state as they did not want the break-away colony to succeed. Cultural similarities which should have forged a bond with other Caribbean islands were displaced by political instability and economic destitution.

In more recent years, attempts were made by regional countries to stabilise Haiti by encouraging the emergence of democracy and the provision of financial assistance. Neither worked on a sustained basis. Successive Haitian governments helped to create a culture of corruption and violence resulting in military takeovers and proxy leaders. Some deposed leaders fled to Jamaica where they sought asylum, mostly on a temporary basis.

Tyrannical presidencies

Recent Haitian history revolved around the tyrannical presidencies of François Duvalier (Papa Doc) and his son Jean-Claude (Baby Doc) who succeeded him. Their periods of rule were among the most corrupt and brutal of all Haitian regimes, defeating all attempts to stabilise and build the country.

François Duvalier died in 1971 after 14 years of rule. He had made himself president for life and enforced his hold on the country with a horde of terrorist gunmen called the Ton-Ton Macoute, who tortured and murdered opponents with little restraint from the army.

Jean-Claude Duvalier assumed the presidency at the age of 19. He was a frivolous young man caring little for political life. He left much of the running of the country to his mother while he played the role of playboy. He married Michéle Bennett, a mulatto divorcee. This transgressed the legacy of his father who was promoting the black middle class to enhance its social status.

Young Duvalier gradually assumed political leadership, eventually exiling his mother from the country. He maintained the routine patterns of corruption and extravagance until the lives of the ordinary people, the poorest of the poor in the hemisphere, became even poorer from an event which had a catastrophic impact.

In the early 1980s, an outbreak of African swine fever occurred, spreading from the neighbouring Dominican Republic. Under pressure from the United States where it was feared that the disease would spread further, Duvalier slaughtered the entire population of Haitian pigs. This was the turning point with the Haitian peasantry who used the pigs as a bank account, selling one or two when money was required. The replacement swine provided by international agencies could not survive in the rough Haitian environment.

Anger grew among the populace as “Baby Doc” continued to preside over a deteriorating economy plagued by complaints of unprecedented levels of corruption. Pope Paul, in a visit to Haiti, observed the need for change. That change came in a series of violent outbreaks in rural townships in late 1985. These outbreaks were messages of despair being sent by people without hope. The leaders of the army, who were becoming disaffected with Duvalier, did little to hold back the protests of the people which soon reached the capital, Port-au-Prince.

By late January 1986, “Baby Doc” became seriously worried by the popular revolt. He needed help. He had a call placed by his sister-in-law, Joanne Tisfelt, to Dr Neville Gallimore, minister of state in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Jamaica, whom she had met casually. She found Gallimore in the Miami airport on his way back to Jamaica. She asked him to come to Haiti immediately to meet with the president who wished him to take a request to me asking for my intercession in Washington to help the situation in Haiti. Gallimore reported the conversation to me. I told him to go to Haiti as requested, but to tell Duvalier that it was my view that he should leave Haiti to avoid bloodshed.

In the lounge at the airport, Gallimore met the United States ambassador, Brunson McKinley, who had escorted his wife and children out of Haiti post haste. Gallimore tried to get a brief from him on conditions there, but the ambassador was reluctant as he said he had no instructions. This annoyed Gallimore who told him sharply not to stand on protocol as he understood the situation to be very serious and he was on his way there.

Ambassador McKinley then revealed that he was no longer welcome at the palace as an erroneous statement had been made by the State Department that Duvalier had left Haiti. People were wildly expressing joy in the streets. This angered Duvalier. When Gallimore arrived on January 28, 1986, he was taken from the plane directly to President Duvalier who was awaiting him along with his Minister of Social Affairs Daniel Sutlice. Duvalier, a rotund man with a very soft voice, was obviously disturbed. The meeting took three hours because of his lack of focus.

The message Duvalier received from me was that I held the people of Haiti in great regard and did not wish to see bloodshed. Minister Gallimore then advised the president that he had three options and one decision to make:

1. ‘Tough out’ the situation by putting down the protests with the use of arms. But there would be a slaughter of innocent people and the international community could withdraw support and isolate him.

2. He could leave Haiti, but dissidents and exiles would move in to fill the vacuum of authority, creating factions and bloodshed.

3. He could put a form of authority in place and then leave. If he went this route, I would use my good office to get him asylum in another country.

Duvalier said this was the first time that anyone had told him to his face that he should step down. He was president for life, a position which Gallimore told him was untenable. He then told Gallimore that he would consider the options and call him the next day.

Duvalier ventured out from the palace in obscurity the following day to see for himself what was occurring. The turmoil was evident and it shocked him. Gallimore also wanted to see for himself the condition on the streets and went out in a vehicle driven by Hans Tisfelt, the German husband of Michéle Duvalier’s sister, Joanne. He too saw the mobs celebrating the announced departure of Duvalier. All business places were closed, except a few on the side streets.

Duvalier did not call until that afternoon. At this second meeting, the Jamaican minister asked for Duvalier’s wife, Michéle, to be present because he knew that she held great influence over Jean-Claude. It was obvious that the strong-man president was chastened. Gallimore adopted a big brother approach, advising him that no one could rule for life, and with 18 years as president he had already presided over the Government for a longer period than any Government in Jamaica. Further, he should consider whether he wanted history to record him as slaughtering his people.

Flight and asylum

The president said he wished to give final consideration to the advice and would call Gallimore on the third morning, January 30. Duvalier made the promised call. He told Gallimore that he wished to leave with his family and other selected persons, but it would take him a week to “get the guns off the streets” and to put things in place. He wished Gallimore to ask me to proceed to arrange a flight and asylum for February 7.

On receiving this message from Gallimore, I recalled him to Jamaica for debriefing with Hugh Shearer, foreign affairs minister. There was no contact between the American Embassy and the palace because of the erroneous and damaging announcement made by their side. They were ignorant of what was occurring but deeply concerned for the security of their people in Haiti and mob revolts.

In the absence of a US ambassador in Kingston, I called in the US chargé d’affaires to brief him. The briefing ended with my request to him for Washington to provide an aircraft and secure a country of asylum. A US Airforce C141 was provided for Duvalier to leave with his family on February 7 to asylum reluctantly agreed by France. Jamaica had carried the responsibility of arranging for a peaceful departure as far as it could.

These arrangements were to be treated in strict confidence for security reasons as Duvalier had a great many supporters. But soon enough, the media in Washington began to carry short news items on the intended flight with various persons in the State Department attempting to claim success for Washington in getting Duvalier to go into exile although the US ambassador in Haiti had no knowledge as he was persona non grata at the palace.

I protested these distortions of the truth to the US Embassy in Kingston. More accurate and more complete versions then began to appear in the media. The Toronto Globe and Mail published an accurate account on February 8, a day after Duvalier’s departure which said in part:

“The Jamaican Government secretly played a central role in persuading President Jean-Claude Duvalier to flee Haiti, US and Jamaican officials said yesterday.

“Senior State Department officials attributed his decision to leave mostly to a member of the Jamaican Government who Duvalier knows.”

Washington responded to our brief with a secret note to me:

“Appreciate your willingness to actively participate in seeking peaceful solution and keeping us informed of your emissary’s contact with Duvalier.

“Suggest you consider asking Gallimore to keep our ambassador in Port-au-Prince informed.”

THE SECRETARY OF STATE

On February 15, Secretary of State George Schultz wrote to me:

February 15, 1986

Dear Mr Prime Minister:

I want to thank you personally for the initiative you took to send a special emissary to the Duvaliers to convince them that it was in their and the Haitian people’s interest to avoid further bloodshed and repression. Your actions contributed significantly to a successful and more peaceful transition.

Please accept my sincere appreciation for your efforts and those of your special emissary, Dr Gallimore.

Sincerely yours,

George P Shultz

The Right Honourable

Edward Seaga, PC, MP,

Prime Minister of Jamaica,

Kingston.

Our prominent role in Haiti was reduced after Duvalier left as the door had now been opened to broader participation at different levels with different interest groups. That Haiti would now receive deeper interest was one of the real points of success of the pivotal Jamaican mission.

This is the story of perhaps the most critical decision made in Haiti recent history giving the country a chance to start again on a different path. But it appears that the change of political leaders has become ingrained in the population.

It is not that Haiti cannot be saved, but the measure being used would not be of any significance. What is needed is a giant and massive attempt to develop the agriculture potential.

In this respect, I would suggest large plantation of lucaena, a tree which grows 20 feet in one year and when cut proves tremendous value from the limbs and trunk as fire wood, for which there is a demand in Europe. From the leaves can come animal feed as it has a high level of protein. The trunk of the tree will regrow to the 20 feet in one year.

— This is an excerpt from Volume 2 autobiography of former Prime Minister Edward Seaga.