The causes of the high levels of crime and violence in Jamaica are multifaceted and multidimensional. It follows, therefore, that the interventions to address crime and violence must also be multifaceted and multidimensional, and implemented concurrently if the aim is to achieve long-term sustainable reductions. In short, any strategy to counter crime must address both the causes and symptoms in a holistic manner.

Jamaica did not get to this stage overnight but, rather, through a steady upward climb over the last 50 years, and a failure of successive political administrations to fully appreciate the nature of the challenge and to craft effective counter strategies.

In my view there are five discrete dimensions to the problem:

1)political

2)business/commercial

3)law enforcement and the justice system

4)socio-economic/sociocultural

5)civil society

Political

In Jamaica political administrations have played an integral role in combating crime, but they are also responsible for creating the conditions for it to proliferate. In the 1970s both the People’s National Party (PNP) and the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP), the two main political parties, helped to organise and arm residents in urban slums, producing garrison communities in which gangs control the streets at the behest of politicians and marshaled voters at election time. Elections were usually marred by voter intimidation, bogus voting, stealing of ballot boxes, and violence, including murder.

As the demand for illegal drugs began to soar in the US in the 1980s, Jamaica’s strategic location made it a trans-shipment point, and many gangs became involved in marijuana and cocaine smuggling. This made the gangs financially independent and they no longer needed the patronage of politicians.

In addition, the political parties have practised a kind of politics that has had the most divisive effect on Jamaicans and the most corrosive and corrupting influence on individuals and national institutions.

The Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) readily comes to mind as one such institution.

A critical issue such as crime and violence requires a united front and a fixity of purpose from both political parties and should not be used as a political football. Issues of political party interest taking priority over national interest, where it occurs, does not promote good governance.

Business/commercial

Business ventures are undertaken with a view to making profits, but what is unacceptable is the kind of selfishness and greed associated with many businesses in which every opportunity is taken to squeeze the consumer. Where this happens, people often see it for what it is and resentment develops.

Government policies, at times, facilitate these immoral practices. In this scenario, we create or perpetrate the divide between the “haves”, who get wealthier; and the “have-nots”, who are further marginalised.

It is good for business when the poor are gradually lifted out of their state of poverty and helplessness through opportunities created by an enlightened Government working in tandem with an enlightened business/commercial sector. It is said that a “rising tide lifts all vessels”. I believe that, but we must first get our people on the vessel.

Law enforcement and the justice system

The police forces bequeathed to us is what I term the British export version of policing modelled off the Royal Ulster Constabulary. They are paramilitary forces designed to suppress riots and insurrections, and generally “to keep the natives in line”. “They were never designed to be friendly to their own people.

We gleefully declared that we embrace community-based policing as the philosophy that will guide the delivery of policing services, yet we maintain the kind of training, structures, and culture that produces paramilitary police officers. I repeat what I have said elsewhere: We cannot have it both ways.

After nearly 59 years of Independence, we can no longer blame our former colonial masters for not leaving us with a police force more closely resembling the constabularies they created for themselves in Britain. We cannot continue to tinker at the periphery of the policing challenge with various reform programmes. Useful as these reform programmes might be, what is required is a radical transformation plan designed to reorient and refocus our constabularies to be a deliverer of service, rather than an instrument for the application of force. Such a transformed constabulary must have at its disposal a special weapons and tactics team to take on these assignments that require those specialised skills.

As far as the remainder of the justice system is concerned, it is somewhat heartening to see the improvements in the courts. There is still a long way to go. The cry from many quarters is for harsher sentencing, but, beware, it is not the severity of the punishment that deters crime, but the surety thereof. So, let us fix the police and continue the fix of the justice system.

Socio-economic/sociocultural

This dimension requires interventions that will see the Sate restoring some basic amenities and opportunities. Working with partners, the churches, schools, service clubs, etc, a vigorous values and attitude campaign is required to counteract an emerging subculture that is eroding what could be considered civilised behaviour.

We have made life very difficult for some people and then blame them when they become dangerous. Poor parenting, poor health care, poor education, injustice, overbreeding, poor living conditions, alienation, lack of jobs, etc, can be summed up in one word — hopelessness. Hopelessness provides fertile breeding ground for new recruits into gangs and criminal networks. Every so often we hear that we have declared war on drugs or war on crime, but we never hear of a declaration of war on hopelessness. I submit that we continue to place most of our efforts into treating symptoms and not enough into treating root causes.

Civil society

Governance cannot be simply left to governments any more than we can just leave policing to the police.

It seems to me that civil society fell asleep over the last several decades. What else could explain why we were content to sit back and accept a steadily deteriorating situation? Maybe it was easier for many to cut and run by emigrating, rather than to remain and let our voices be heard.

This question must be asked: Did our Independence come too cheaply? Anything we acquire cheaply we tend not to place much value on. There is no single rallying point or event that has united us, as a people. We never fought, bled, or died for our Independence. This probably explains why our political class could easily divide us into two political tribes.

When your party is in power you “feed at the trough”, and when your party is out of power “you suck salt”. So, we pit brother against brother, friend against friend, and winning at all costs becomes the objective, even if violence and murder becomes the means.

Each of the five dimensions must be tackled simultaneously if we are to achieve any long-term sustainable reduction. Our tendency to overemphasise the law enforcement dimension to the neglect of the others will only bring about short-term gains. There is no quick fix or silver bullet solution, all stakeholders must know and accept the part they have played in contributing to the problem and be resolute in their determination to confront it.

Finally, whenever I deal with the issue of crime and counter-crime strategies I always conclude with the following statement which I have borrowed from a military precis treating with counter-insurgency. I have modified it to suit our circumstances:

“Security forces successes alone will not stamp out the threats to security; they may drive it deeper underground or force the criminal elements to allow their activities to lie dormant for a period. The only sure way is to remove the conditions which stimulated criminality in the first place. There should be a joint politico-security forces aim; namely, to afford protection against criminal elements, while at the same time raising the standard of living, improving health and education facilities, engendering faith in democratically elected governments by demonstrating justice and fair play, and, generally, by winning the support of the people. No amount of foreign interference or assistance — short of complete domination — will remedy a deteriorated internal security situation unless the people concerned take action for themselves. A well-defined security aim is vital, but success on the security side will be useless unless the complementary political aim is achieved. The cause, not just the effect, of the problem must be removed.”

We as Jamaicans, all have a part to play, and I, like many others, remain confident that once we have a single aim, a fixity of purpose, and the will, this country can be reclaimed by its majority — the law-abiding citizens. For my part, I will submit other writings with a view to possible solutions.

Rear Admiral (Retired) Hardley Lewin is a former police commissioner for Jamaica and chief of staff of the Jamaica Defence Force. He has held a distinguished 38-year career in public service in varied other capacities. Send comments to the Jamaica Observer or hmclewin@gmail.com.