REGIONAL integration is supposed to lead to three direct benefits for the Caribbean people: economising by sharing common services; increasing the influence of the small states of the region in international affairs by acting as a single group with a common purpose; and promoting economic development by allowing resource allocation on a regional basis, thereby overcoming the lack of economies of scale in production.

None of this is happening. Indeed, the future of the integration process is one of the most topical issues. It is being argued that common services can exist and thrive without a formal regional integration process; the University of the West Indies can function without Caricom; joint action in the international arena is inconsistent for example, Caricom cannot even agree on a single candidate for posts in the Organisation of American States and the Commonwealth Secretariat; the common market in goods only benefits exporters in Trinidad because the countries of the region survive by exports to non-regional markets, tourism, foreign aid and remittances.

The benefits of regional integration are obvious, but the governments of the region are not implementing the commitments they recite at the twice yearly heads of government meetings. The root cause is a virus of nationalism, which is a pandemic, and is spread by politicians.

In the colonial era, people from any British colony could live and work in any of the countries. Then we were all West Indians, but since political independence we have all become nationals of individual countries, and along with the passport came work permits, deportations and restrictions on the movement of people.

There is no sense of feeling membership in a Caribbean community when there is rampant nationalism.

Bahamians do not want Haitians in their country; Barbadians say they are overrun by Guyanese, and Trinidadians say they need to rid themselves of 19,000 Jamaicans and even more Grenadians, all of whom are blamed for crime and displacing locals from employment. Yet, the reality is that these economies cannot function without these workers from other Caribbean countries.

That is why there are no demonstrations against these so-called outsiders in the same way that there are protests against Chinese workers on construction projects.

The virus has escalated to a dangerous level when Nevis wants more autonomy from St Kitts and when every Tobagonian informs everyone that they are not Trinidadian. Memories are still fresh of the treatment by Barbadian officials of Jamaican Miss Shanique Myrie.

Left by themselves, the people of the region get along just fine. They live and work together in harmony when they are in foreign countries, beyond the destructive influences of politicians, and will do so in the region where they mix, inter-marry, share music, support the West Indies cricket team and are happy for the successes of their fellow “Caribbeans”.

If Slinger Francisco and his parents had been deported from Trinidad to Grand Roy in Grenada where he was born, we may never have had The Mighty Sparrow. Does it matter that Sir Frank Worrell was born in, and played for Barbados (1941-1947) and for Jamaica (1947-1964)? Does it matter that George Headley’s father was Barbadian and he was born in Panama? Does it matter that Ato Boldon’s mother was Jamaican?

The free movement of people in the Caribbean enriches all of us.